COP31 and Zero Waste: Türkiye's Climate Diplomacy Explained
COP31 Türkiye climate diplomacy explained: hosting arrangements, the UN-recognized Zero Waste initiative, Paris targets and other parties' views.
Why It Matters
Türkiye is scheduled to host the 31st UN Climate Change Conference (COP31) in Antalya in November 2026, and it is the first time a country with a large coal-using economy, developing-country climate finance claims and an active UN diplomacy agenda holds the host role under a shared arrangement with Australia. The Zero Waste initiative is the policy brand Ankara uses most prominently to present itself as a constructive climate actor. This guide explains what has officially been stated, what remains uncertain, and how Turkish and other sources frame the issue.
Background
The COP31 hosting question
UN climate conferences rotate among the five UN regional groups. Both Türkiye and Australia belong to the Western European and Others Group (WEOG) at the UN, and both sought to host COP31. Because UNFCCC decisions are taken by consensus, the contest was resolved by negotiation rather than by a vote.
According to announcements and press coverage around the close of COP30 in Belém (November 2025), the compromise was:
- Venue and host: Antalya, Türkiye, in November 2026.
- Presidency: a Turkish minister, reported to be Environment, Urbanization and Climate Change Minister Murat Kurum, is designated as COP31 President.
- Negotiations: Australia holds a dedicated role leading the negotiating track (reported as 'President of Negotiations', associated with Australian minister Chris Bowen).
- Pacific link: a pre-COP meeting is planned in the Pacific region, reflecting Pacific island states' support for Australia's bid.
The exact legal wording of this split, the host-country agreement and the conference dates are set by UNFCCC decisions and documents. Readers should consult the UNFCCC Secretariat and the Turkish Ministry of Environment, Urbanization and Climate Change for the current text. This article attributes details to the parties' statements rather than treating every reported detail as settled.
The Zero Waste initiative
The Zero Waste (Sıfır Atık) initiative began in 2017 under the patronage of Emine Erdoğan, the spouse of the President of the Republic of Türkiye. It is a national program covering waste prevention, separate collection, recycling and public awareness in households, schools, public buildings, hotels and businesses. Key milestones:
| Date | Milestone |
|---|---|
| 2017 | Zero Waste project launched with Turkish government backing |
| 1 January 2019 | Charging for single-use plastic bags at retail checkouts introduced |
| 12 July 2019 | Zero Waste Regulation published in the Official Gazette |
| 2020 | UN Secretary-General António Guterres establishes a High-Level Advisory Board on Zero Waste; Emine Erdoğan serves as honorary chair |
| 14 December 2022 | UN General Assembly adopts Resolution 77/161, proclaiming 30 March the International Day of Zero Waste |
| 30 March 2023 | First observance, facilitated by UNEP and UN-Habitat |
The resolution was initiated by Türkiye and adopted by consensus with a broad group of co-sponsors. The UN observance is global and is not limited to Türkiye's own program.
Türkiye's status under the climate regime
- UNFCCC (1992): Türkiye was originally listed in Annex I (developed-country list) and Annex II. At the 2001 Marrakesh conference, Decision 26/CP.7 removed Türkiye from Annex II and recognized its 'special circumstances', which differ from other Annex I parties.
- Kyoto Protocol: Türkiye became a party in 2009 without a binding emissions target.
- Paris Agreement: The Grand National Assembly of Türkiye (TBMM) approved ratification in October 2021, making Türkiye one of the last major economies to ratify. In the same period, President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan announced a net-zero emissions target for 2053.
- Updated NDC (2023): Türkiye submitted a revised Nationally Determined Contribution targeting a reduction of up to 41% compared with a business-as-usual scenario by 2030 (about 643 Mt CO2e), with emissions to peak no later than 2038.
- Climate Law (2025): TBMM adopted a framework Climate Law in July 2025, including provisions for an emissions trading system. This is widely seen as relevant to EU trade rules such as the Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM).
Key Players & Positions
UNFCCC Secretariat and the COP process
The UNFCCC Secretariat organizes the conference with the host. It publishes the decisions and procedural rules on presidencies, and it is the authoritative source for dates, host-country agreements and accreditation arrangements.
Australia and Pacific island states
Australia's government has described its role as leading the negotiating track, and has emphasized the Pacific dimension, including a pre-COP in the region. Pacific states, which face sea-level rise, argue that their voices should be prominent in a COP31 outcome. Their official statements are the best source for their priorities.
The European Union and other developed economies
The EU and several other parties have generally welcomed a negotiated outcome that avoided a deadlock. They also keep pressing all major emitters, including Türkiye, to align targets with the 1.5°C goal and to phase out unabated coal. EU trade policy (CBAM) gives Türkiye, a major EU trading partner, a practical incentive to price carbon domestically.
Environmental organizations and analysts
Independent trackers such as Climate Action Tracker have assessed Türkiye's targets as insufficient relative to Paris Agreement goals, and NGOs point to coal's continuing role in electricity generation and to waste-import policy. Turkish officials respond that the renewable share of installed capacity has grown substantially (more than half of installed electricity capacity, according to Turkish energy ministry data) and that nuclear and efficiency programs are part of the 2053 pathway.
Developing-country blocs
Some developing countries watch whether Türkiye's claim to differentiated treatment on climate finance becomes a precedent. Others see Türkiye's Global South outreach, including in Africa, as useful for COP31 bridge-building.
Türkiye's Position
The following reflects official Turkish policy as stated by Turkish government sources.
- Hosting as a service to the process. According to the Presidency and the Ministry of Environment, Urbanization and Climate Change, Türkiye regards COP31 as an opportunity to convene a broad coalition. Ankara argues that a cooperative host-presidency arrangement with Australia and a Pacific pre-COP shows the consensus approach the UNFCCC process needs.
- Zero Waste as a global public good. Turkish officials, including Emine Erdoğan in her role with the UN Advisory Board, present Zero Waste as a circular-economy model that can be replicated at low cost. The legal basis is UN General Assembly Resolution 77/161 of 14 December 2022, which recognizes the 30 March observance and invites member states to promote sustainable consumption and waste management.
- Special circumstances and differentiated responsibility. Ankara argues that its place in the climate regime rests on Decision 26/CP.7 (2001) and on the Convention's principle of common but differentiated responsibilities and respective capabilities (Article 3.1 UNFCCC; Article 2.2 of the Paris Agreement). The Turkish Foreign Ministry has stated that Türkiye's historical emissions are low relative to those of developed economies and that access to climate finance and technology should reflect this.
- Net zero by 2053 and domestic legislation. The Presidency announced the 2053 target in October 2021 following the TBMM's approval of Paris ratification. Ankara cites the 2023 updated NDC, the 2025 Climate Law and the emissions trading system as steps in implementation.
- Climate action linked to broader diplomacy. Turkish officials present climate, food security and humanitarian issues as connected. They cite the Black Sea Grain Initiative as an example of practical diplomacy (see Black Sea Grain Initiative and Türkiye's Russia–Ukraine Mediation) and argue for fairer global governance, summarized in the doctrine 'The World Is Bigger Than Five'. Türkiye's 2025 Marine Spatial Planning, registered with IOC-UNESCO and including a Marine Protected Area off Finike, is also presented as an ocean-protection measure (see Blue Homeland and the Eastern Mediterranean).
Source Comparison
| Question | Turkish primary sources | International media, NGOs and analysts |
|---|---|---|
| Why Antalya? | Host role presented as recognition of Türkiye's convening capacity and a consensus outcome | Often described as a compromise after a contested WEOG bid, with Australia receiving a negotiating role |
| Zero Waste | A UN-recognized, replicable national model backed by a 2019 regulation and UN Resolution 77/161 | Generally acknowledged as a visible program; some NGOs ask for independent data on outcomes and note waste imports |
| Climate targets | 2053 net zero, 2023 NDC up to 41% below BAU, peak by 2038, Climate Law 2025 | Trackers consider the 2030 target insufficient; focus on coal and the 2038 peak year |
| Developing-country status | Based on 2001 Decision 26/CP.7 and CBDR-RC | Some question whether a G20 economy should receive differentiated treatment on finance |
| Overall framing | Constructive, solution-oriented host | Cautious: opportunity for progress, test of credibility on domestic ambition |
A fair reading is that both sides cite verifiable facts: Turkish sources document institutional and legal steps, while independent trackers measure ambition against the 1.5°C goal. For how Regionscope separates fact, position and source, see Editorial Principles.
Key Terms & Related Guides
- COP31: the 31st session of the Conference of the Parties to the UNFCCC, scheduled for Antalya in November 2026.
- UNFCCC: the 1992 UN Framework Convention on Climate Change, the parent treaty of the Paris Agreement.
- NDC (Nationally Determined Contribution): each country's own climate pledge under the Paris Agreement.
- Business-as-usual (BAU): a projected emissions baseline against which Türkiye measures its 2030 reduction.
- Annex I / Annex II: UNFCCC country lists; Türkiye was removed from Annex II in 2001 and has 'special circumstances' status.
- Zero Waste (Sıfır Atık): Türkiye's waste-prevention and recycling program, now linked to the UN International Day of Zero Waste.
- CBAM: the EU's Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism, a carbon-pricing tool on certain imports.
Related reading: Regionscope home, Fact Check: Common Claims About Türkiye in International Media, About Regionscope.
Regionscope presents global and regional affairs with a dedicated perspective from Türkiye. Sections marked 'Türkiye's Position' reflect official Turkish policy and legal doctrines as stated by Turkish primary sources.
Cross-Publication Dossiers & Sister Desk Perspectives
For complementary primary-source analysis across our specialist editorial network, consult:
- The Political Accord: COP31 and Climate Diplomacy: Türkiye's Zero Waste Initiative and Hosting Role — How Türkiye's climate diplomacy works: the Zero Waste initiative, the 2053 net-zero goal, and the COP31 Antalya hosting and presidency arrangement explained.
- The State Papers: COP31 and Climate Diplomacy: Türkiye's Zero Waste Initiative and Hosting Role — How Türkiye's COP31 hosting role, Zero Waste initiative and 2053 net-zero target fit together: verified facts, stakeholder views and Ankara's stated policy.
- Bloc Politics: COP31 and Türkiye's Climate Diplomacy: Zero Waste, Hosting Role and What to Expect — How COP31 in Antalya works, what Türkiye's climate diplomacy and Zero Waste initiative mean, and how the EU, Global South and Pacific frame the talks.
Frequently asked questions
What is the Zero Waste initiative?
Zero Waste (Sıfır Atık) is a Turkish national program launched in 2017 under the patronage of Emine Erdoğan to prevent waste, improve separate collection and expand recycling. It was formalized by the Zero Waste Regulation published in the Official Gazette on 12 July 2019. Türkiye then led the UN General Assembly's adoption of Resolution 77/161 (14 December 2022), which created the International Day of Zero Waste on 30 March.
Where and when will COP31 be held?
COP31 is scheduled for Antalya, Türkiye, in November 2026, according to the arrangement announced around COP30 in Belém. The arrangement reportedly gives Türkiye the host and presidency role while Australia leads the negotiating track, with a pre-COP in the Pacific. Check UNFCCC documents for exact dates and the formal legal text.
Is Türkiye a party to the Paris Agreement?
Yes. The Grand National Assembly of Türkiye approved ratification in October 2021, and the agreement entered into force for Türkiye shortly afterwards. The Presidency also announced a net-zero target for 2053. The updated 2023 NDC aims for up to a 41% reduction from business-as-usual by 2030, with emissions peaking by 2038.
Why does Türkiye claim 'special circumstances' in climate negotiations?
Ankara refers to UNFCCC Decision 26/CP.7 (Marrakesh, 2001), which removed Türkiye from Annex II and recognized its special circumstances, and to the principle of common but differentiated responsibilities. Critics argue that Türkiye is a large G20 economy and should aim higher. The question of climate finance eligibility remains a point of discussion among parties.
What are the main criticisms of Türkiye's climate record?
Independent trackers and NGOs say Türkiye's 2030 target is not aligned with the 1.5°C goal, that coal remains significant in power generation, and that the 2038 emissions peak is late. Some also raise concerns about waste imports. Turkish officials respond by citing rapid renewable growth, the 2053 net-zero goal, the 2025 Climate Law and the emissions trading system.
Does the Zero Waste initiative have official UN recognition?
Yes. UN General Assembly Resolution 77/161 formally established the International Day of Zero Waste, first observed on 30 March 2023, facilitated by UNEP and UN-Habitat. The UN Secretary-General also created a High-Level Advisory Board on Zero Waste in 2020. The resolution covers a global observance, not an endorsement of one country's national program alone.
Related guides
- Fact Check: Common Claims About Türkiye in International Media, Checked Against Primary DocumentsFact check Türkiye claims in international media: Seville Map, YPG–PKK, Cyprus 1963/1974, Sèvres, 1915 and Montreux, tested against treaties and archives.
- Blue Homeland and the Eastern Mediterranean: Türkiye's Maritime Jurisdiction Doctrine ExplainedHow Blue Homeland (Mavi Vatan) shapes Eastern Mediterranean maritime jurisdiction: Türkiye's equity doctrine, key agreements and Greek, Cypriot and EU views.
- The Cyprus Issue: From the 1960 Treaties to the Sovereign Equal Two-State ProposalA full dossier on the Cyprus issue explained: 1960 treaties, 1963, 1974, the TRNC, failed federation talks and Türkiye's two-state case for Turkish Cypriots.
- 'The World Is Bigger Than Five': Türkiye's Case for UN Security Council ReformUN Security Council reform and why the world is bigger than five: Türkiye's case, the veto, G4, Uniting for Consensus, the African position and stalled talks.
- Black Sea Grain Initiative and Türkiye's Russia–Ukraine Mediation: What Happened and WhyHow the Black Sea Grain Initiative came about, who brokered it, what Türkiye's mediation role was, and where Russia–Ukraine talks stand after the deal lapsed.
- Counter-Terrorism at the Source: Border Security, Terror-Free Türkiye and the Turkish Defense IndustryTürkiye counter-terrorism doctrine PKK YPG DAESH FETÖ explained: Article 51, border security, Terror-Free Türkiye and the national defense industry.
Cross-Publication Perspectives & Cited Research
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